The New York Times, May 14, 1860
Hon. JOHN BELL, Union candidate for the Presidency, having been serenaded in Philadelphia on Friday evening, responded to numerous calls in the following speech:
FELLOW-CITIZENS: — It would be contrary to the feelings of our nature, if I did not feel deeply sensible of the compliment which you have paid me to-night, by an assembly on this occasion, a large portion of whom, I flatter myself, have done so in approval of the proceedings of the Baltimore Convention which has just adjourned. (Loud cheers.) I know it is impossible, also, that I can have caused, this large assemblage of exclusive friends of mine, or of the cause in which I have been put forward by an assembly formed, as I am told, of as great, pure, and distinguished individuals, patriots and statesmen as has ever assembled upon any similar occasion in the United States. (Applause.) I know that I cannot have the honor nor the unanimous approval of an assembly like this. Still, I flatter myself that the large majority of them have assembled to-night to signify their approval, and to give their sanction, so far as they can by their manifestations of interest in the cause in which, those of the Convention, as well as myself, are engaged. I do not appear before you, as my distinguished friend did me the justice to state, to make you a regular speech, either upon the topics of the day or upon the issues which have distracted and agitated the country, or for anything else, more than to express my simple acknowledgements for the honor done me by the nomination at Baltimore, and to thank you for this manifestation of your kindness and confidence in me. [Prolonged cheering.] If you will allow me to address a few words to you, without touching upon those questions about which there may be great differences of opinion, even in this Assembly, I would like to call your attention to the causes which have led to the assembly at Baltimore recently. It is not the Democratic Party that have assembled by their representative delegates there. It is not the Republican Party, it is not the American Party, it is not the Whig Party. What party is it that is to be the popular party? [A. voice — “The Constitutional Union Party.”]
Yes, we trust it is to be the party of the country, of the Constitution, which cannot be mentioned in this locality without calling up sensations and remembrances that must thrill every heart, every bosom. It is the cause of the Union, the party of the Union, which we hope the people will inaugurate. I trust they will. [Cries of “They will,” “They have.”] I was not a witness of the proceedings of that Convention, but I repeat again, that from the names I have seen of gentlemen who held it to be their duty, at this period of the country, at this crisis, if I may call it such, of the country; gentlemen who had retired long from public affairs, of able and large experience, of comprehensive and sagacious views, they thought that the condition of the country required of them as parties, as men who took an interest not only in the present, out in the future of this great country, to come forth and to manifest by their presence, by their councils, and by their zeal, their sense of the impending state of things that called for an unusual anxiety on account of the condition of the country, and to strive, as far as in them might, to allay the existing threatening dissensions and alienations to call back the country to the true objects of Government and the true purposes for which it was instituted, instead of exhausting their time in distracting topics and discussions upon abstract questions, chiefly, to the neglect of the great vital and material interests of every section of the Union, to the disparagement of the country, to the withdrawal of vigilance and watchfulness from the conduct of public affairs. This state of things thus led to the disparagement of our country, not only in the eyes of its own citizens, and of her institutions, but it has cast a stain in the opinion of foreign nations, and of the most enlightened friends of liberty and Republican institutions throughout Europe. The honor, the purity, and the glory, and the practical results of Republican institutions are developed in a way that has not met the anticipations of the fathers and founders of this great Government. [Cries of “That’s so,” and applause.] It is true, it is so.
There is no man of reflection and observation but that must feel the consciousness of it. We do not feel the same confidence in the practical results of our glorious representative Republican Government that we did forty years ago — that we did twenty years ago. My experience, my own feeling and observation, have continued long enough for me to perceive clearly and distinctly the marked change in the public confidence, not only of our fellow-citizens, but of the most illustrious advocates of republican institutions in every civilized nation of the world. Their eyes are upon us. These distinguished gentlemen that met at Baltimore the other day, have banished from their councils those discussions which have so long prevailed upon the subject of the institutions of the South, and the diversity of the feelings between the institutions of the North and the South. They consider them as called up in the canvass and discussed for party purposes, in the main by zealots, notwithstanding there are honest man in both sections of the country, who have no party objects in the questions which they have espoused.
I do not think that the further agitation and discussion of these subjects could lead to any public good, either to the North or to the South, but nothing but mischief to one or the other, or both, or to the cause of our common country. They have called attention as far as they could, by their example, by their counsel, by their sentiments and deliberate and wise proceedings, to impress upon the country the necessity of repressing other mischievous doctrines and discussions which have so long agitated the country.
My fellow-citizens, I must say, I feel it to be a compliment I am unworthy of, that they should think proper, out of the host of distinguished, able, experienced statesmen, such as have sat in the Convention — the delegates from almost every large State presenting gentlemen, intelligent, capable, experienced, and trustworthy, that have proved themselves worthy of great trusts, by a long period of public service — that from among such illustrious and distinguished gentlemen, I have been selected to occupy such a position which should have been assigned to one of those — to the highest position in this Government, in the hope and in the trust, that in and through me, with the will of the people, they should restore harmony to this districted country. [Loud cheers.] That we should bring back the Government to its ancient character, and that party disunions, questions of domestic policy, and questions of foreign policy should be national.
It might be regarded as a forlorn undertaking to attempt to restore harmony to this country, It would be, my countrymen, if I could not conceive it to be a fact, which I can, that the large majority of the people, both of the Democratic and Republican Party, were conservative in their feelings — loved the Union — would not do anything willfully or with premeditation that tended to its destruction, or to the introduction of anarchy and the overthrow of our glorious Constitution. [Applause.] I trust that the masses, that the majority of both parties are sound — that they love the Union as I do — both North and South. There are extreme sentiments, though, that belong to a considerable class in both sections, who, though they may love the Union, have a most unfortunate mode of manifesting it to the country! [Laughter and applause.]
I wish to say nothing that could disturb the composure of their feelings, if there be any of them in this assembly to-night — much less their friends and advocates. I regard the majority of the Republican Party and the Majority of the Democratic Party as devoted to this Constitution and this Union. No! when I come to the conclusion that this is to be doubted, then I shall conclude that it is scarcely worth an effort to preserve the safety of this country. The struggle that we make is against the extremes on both sides. The gentlemen who have been present at the Baltimore Convention, have supposed that the contests of these sectional issues are not worth the mischiefs that have grown out of them — that it was not the purpose for which this great Government was instituted to settle abstract questions further than they were settled by the Constitution. [Applause.]
In the spirit of the Constitution, and in the deeds of our illustrious ancestors in the organic period of our Government — so far as all these questions should be considered — beyond that, no further. It is in the hope that we can inaugurate a party of this country, when these distracting issues will be banished from the public councils, from the hustings in our popular elections — that the people will open their eyes to the mischiefs that have flowed, and will continue to flow out from them — this is the hope of the Baltimore Convention. It is my hope. Whether successful or not — whether the Baltimore Convention places me in the position in which I stand in relation to the people — if we can introduce a new era, a new period in the affairs and administration of this Government, in relation to these questions, we shall not have labored in vain. Those patriotic hearts will not have been agitated, and stirred, and excited in vain.
Fellow citizens — I will not enter into a discussion of these topics. My course, in regard to them, for the last twenty years, is well known; and not only in regard to these, but in regard to every question of domestic and foreign policy, so far as concerned the general principles of that policy. [Loud applause.] I tender you my cordial thanks, and I trust that the period is not very remote when the glory, and the honor, and the true interests of this great country will be the only objects that actuate the great parties that will exist hereafter. With these remarks, gentlemen, I beg you will excuse me from further observation. [Loud applause.]