February 24, 1863, The Charleston Mercury
A very few months – perhaps weeks – will settle the question of a continued war or peace. Our cause is stronger than it ever was with the nations of Europe, and the pressure of their sufferings and interests upon their Governments is greater. All around, the elements of peace seem to be gathering strength. Internally and externally, the United States Government appears to be falling into imbecility and contempt. By May three hundred thousand of their army have a right to be disbanded by the terms of their enlistment; and the desperate expedient of arming the slaves of the Confederate States. As an acknowledgment of weakness, and as a policy of strength, this expedient will prove to be highly advantageous to peace and to the Confederate States, It will raise up and energize the party for peace in the United States, who see that it must be arrested, or all hopes of reconstruction, which they are aiming to accomplish, must fail; whilst it will increase the hate and desperation of the Confederate States. If we can hold our own at Vicksburg, Charleston and Tullahoma, for the next three months, it appears to us there must be peace.
At Vicksburg there appears to be a force adequate to the defence. Of Charleston we will not speak. But for our army at Murfreesboro’, […..] we are to enforce the Conscription Law in the Western States has left our armies in that section of the Confederacy in great danger from insufficient numbers. The demoralization of the armies of our enemies, and their consequent laggardism, may yet give us time to raise sufficient troops; but there cannot be a doubt of the danger we incur from this cause. On our own coast, if no effort is made to take Charleston or Savannah in ten day’s time, we doubt if any effort will be made at all.
All the conflicts on our coast hitherto have proved our preparation, and the skill and courage of our troops. The troops which fought the battles of Secessionville and Pocotaligo, and who took Fort Sumter, are on the ground they have rendered illustrious. Other forces are with them, as eager as they to meet another effort to conquer South Carolina, or to take the City of Charleston. Nothing but the most assured conviction of their success will ever tempt the Yankee army to come off of our islands, and give us an opportunity to meet them in open field on the main land. They will not now fight as they did formerly. They have armed a portion of our slaves to destroy us; and however weak and futile this expedient of their war against us may be, it makes all the officers of their army fight with halters around their necks. All who may be captured by our troops will, according to the President’s Proclamation, be turned over to our State tribunals, as instigators of insurrection in the State, to be tried for their lives. The Governor of the State will demand their delivery, for the enforcement of the laws of the State. We presume not a man of them doubts, under such circumstances, what will be their fate. They will be hung in broad day, as sure as the day of their certain sentence arrives. All the officers of their army must come out to fight us with this result before their eyes. Will they be eager to meet us in battle under such circumstances? Will they seek dangers in this most dangerous of all warfares, when, practically, to be taken a prisoner is to die ignominiously? We doubt it. Human nature is the same everywhere. No man will willingly go into an enterprise involving such consequences, but from the sternest motives of self-interest and patriotism. These exist in the troops of the Confederate States. They fight for their country – their homes – their wives and children. Death to them is far preferable to a submission to the rule of remorseless Abolitionists. But it is not so with the troops of the United States. They fight only for a fanatacism they despise, or for money, or ambition – the lust of lucre, or the lust of power. Will any man, for these, voluntarily enter into battle, with the distinct understanding that for him there is no hope in imprisonments – no chance for mercy from his foe, if that foe is triumphant? We think not. Hence we express our doubt that any serious attempt will be made to take Charleston, if not attacked within ten days. They may be ignorant now of our state of preparation. They will not be ignorant then.
At any rate, with vigilance, we have good reason to be confident of the result. The signs, both at the North and in Europe are unmistakable and highly encouraging for an early peace. – All that is necessary for the achievement of our perfect independence, is active military preparation, and nerve and statesmanship in diplomacy. But there is as much danger to the cause and to the future destiny of the South from false or feeble statesmanship in the close of the war and settlement of our relations with the non-slaveholding States of the North and with Europe, as in the war itself. We can control our destiny for independence and prosperity. Wise views and firmness are the qualities needed. Compromises have ever been our bane.