May 26, 1863, The New York Herald
The capture of Vicksburg, incalculably more than any other achievement of the war, weakens the armies of the rebellion, and simplifies the work of their subjugation. In recovering the whole line of the Mississippi we not only cut off the rebellious States on the west side of the river from their confederates on the he eastern side, and secure a safe, impregnable and convenient channels of transportation and abase of operations for further aggressive movements east or west, but we re-establish the free navigation of the river to the complete satisfaction of the Northwestern States. The question whether their right of way down this […..] sea” shall be purchased at the price of a capitulation to Jeff. Davis or by a Northwestern coalition with his so called “Confederate States” is settled against both these chimerical ideas, and permanently in favor of the Union. In every point of view the solid advantages gained with the reduction of Vicksburg are such that it is only necessary to follow them up with something of the vigor of General Grant’s operations in order to bring this war to a speedy and triumphant termination.
In this connection, the problem of the Presidential succession looms up into a question of commanding importance. Our reconnoissance the other day has drawn the fire from the batteries of several of our newspaper contemporaries of this city, and their remarks we have considered sufficiently interesting to publish at length in our columns this morning. The New York Sunday Atlas, deep in all the movements and plans of the Albany Regency, boldly brings out Governor Seymour as the Presidential candidate for 1864 of the war democracy. The Sunday Times, a conservative independent democratic journal, strongly leans to the opinion that President Lincoln, as a candidate, might unite the conservative elements of the loyal States, and crush out the radicals, while the New York Express (copperhead), in a fit of despair, things that the approaching Presidential election has already passed from the hands of the people into the possession of the army, and that some military satrap of President Lincoln will most probably step forward as the master of the situation and make short work of it as a military dictator.
Permitting this dismal view of the subject to pass for what it may be worth in copperhead currency, let us turn for a moment to Governor Seymour’s nomination. He is brought forward upon the platform of “a vigorous prosecution of the war till the rebels ask for peace” (good), and of hostility to the rebels in the South as well as to the abolitionists in the North.”(Good.) It will be remarked that in this platform hostility to the rebels is put before hostility to the abolitionists, which is exactly the reverse of the copperhead platform. But in this curious distinction, and in “The prosecution of the war till the rebels ask for peace,” it is easy to discern that between the war democrats and the peace democrats there is a split which foreshadows a general division of the democracy and their inevitable defeat. In other words, in this nomination of Governor Seymour the Albany Regency declare war against the copperheads. It will be accepted by them as a declaration of war, and henceforth, from New York to the extreme West, the breach will widen, so that by the year 2864 the Northern democracy will most probably be again divided into two irreconcilable Presidential factions, as they were in 1860.
A similar breach already exists in the republican camp between the conservatives, represented by Mr. Seward in the Cabinet, and the abolition radicals, represented by Mr. Secretary Chase. Here we have already existing four different Presidential factions. If we let them go on without interruption in their conflicting intrigues and cross purposes for the spoils and plunder, they may disastrously embarrass the administration in the prosecution of the war, and involve the loyal States in the most serious complications and political disorders. But if the friends of President Lincoln, those conservatives who have no ambition to gratify in the next Presidential election beyond the redemption of their country, will only step forward and proclaim him as their candidate for 1864, these various demoralizing political factions will soon be reduced to their true value. President Lincoln is a man upon whom all the conservative elements of the country could be readily fused. His name as a Presidential candidate would instantly dissipate all apprehensions of a radical abolition plurality election, and all fears, even among the mass of the copperheads, of a possible military usurpation. Let him be brought out, and the great body of the people will feel secure against the fearful clashings of belligerent factions and their revolutionary conventions, which otherwise are sure to come.
But there is still another view of the subject well worthy the public attention. President Lincoln, as the head of the government, has had the practical experience necessary to understand this war and its management in all its phases, and the work of restoring the Union at the end of the war. His views upon this great question are thoroughly conservative and satisfactory. His aim is to restore the Union, and under “the constitution as it is.” If the exigencies and accidents of the war have rendered it impossible to restore the Union exactly as it was, we can still bring back the rebellious States to their old status under the constitution, and leave it with them, each for itself, to reorganize their local institutions as they may deem most wise and expedient. At all events, a new administration, involving a new division of the spoils, in the midst of the business of this war or pending the delicate work of a restoration of the seceded States, would almost certainly involve the government and the country in great embarrassments and confusion. These embarrassments, we fear, with a change in the administration, would involve such changes in the financial policy of the government as would be sure to precipitate the country into a terrible financial convulsion and widespread ruin and bankruptcy.
Hence, looking to their own safety, our financial and commercial men, whose material interests depend upon the preservation of law and order, and upon the credit and good faith of the federal treasury, should take the initiative in this important work of simplifying and securing the next Presidency against all revolutionary disturbances, and against the fearful consequences of a financial collapse, repudiation and universal chaos and ruin, in holding on to President Lincoln until the great and delicate work in his hands is fully accomplished.