March 19, 1861; The New York Herald
Mr. Lincoln and his advisers have, at length, an opportunity of throwing off the selfishness, fanaticism, and suicidal imbecility, which have, so far, characterized the course of the present administration, and of taking measures which cannot fail to secure a reconstruction of the Union, within a limited period. The adoption by the Montgomery Congress of a constitution, is equivalent to a manifesto to the rest of the country, of the precise wants of the people of the seceding States. It may be regarded as the ultimatum of the South to the North, and as the only basis upon which the former will consent to negotiate with those whose yoke they have recently thrown off. It affords an opening for such a fair and peaceful interchange of sentiment, between the rival sections of the country, as a Madison, Washington, and Jefferson–nay, a Clay, Webster or Cass–would have availed themselves of with avidity, to pacify conflicting interests. It should cause the Cabinet of Mr. Lincoln to reconsider the determination, not to receive Messrs. Roman, Forsyth and Crawford, and incline them to listen with respect to the representations of the legitimate delegates of five millions of citizens. Granted that the Southern confederacy is revolutionary, it is, nevertheless, the successful revolt of seven States, whose numbers may possibly be increased to fifteen; and, unless the President is bent upon civil war, and irretrievable disaster to the republic, he will cease to screen himself, behind pettifogging technicalities, from the grave responsibility which the exigency of the times imposes upon him.
There is no point of difference between the constitution of the United States, and that which has been adopted by the Southern confederacy, in which the provisions of the latter are not an improvement upon the former. No amendment is made to protect slavery, beyond such an explanation of the old constitution, as shall restore those privileges to slaveholders, of which exceptionable, local legislation, in the Northern States, has robbed them. The Presidential term of office is increased to six years; protective tariffs are prohibited; subordinate officials are rendered irremovable, excepting for cause; Cabinet officers may be given seats in the Senate, or House, at the pleasure of Congress; the Post Office is required to pay its own expenses; appropriations from the Treasury can only be made by a two-thirds vote; Senators must be elected by the State Legislatures, at the session next preceding their term of service; and, at the call of any three States, a convention shall be called to take into consideration amendments to the constitution. These are the principal changes. They are characterized by wisdom and forethought, and display profound knowledge of the want of the country. The door is left open for the admission of other States, upon equal terms, into the new confederacy, and the tenor of the whole instrument is conciliatory, firm and sagacious. There is no part of it, which cannot be consistently adopted by the North, and which will not commend itself to sober minded, conservative citizens in the non-slaveholding portion of the Union. Virginia, Maryland, Kentucky, North Carolina, Tennessee and Arkansas, will greet it with such enthusiasm as kindred views and interests must dictate, and, if submitted to the people of all of the States, there is no question that it would be acceded to by three-quarters of their whole number.
Since November last, there has been but one prominent subject of discussion before the country, namely, how the disasters which menace it from the disturbed condition of our inter-State relations could be averted. The course which has been, thus far, pursued by Mr. Lincoln and the leaders of the republican party, has spread gloom and foreboding over the land. The conduct of the administration, with respect to the Commissioners from Montgomery, has been justly regarded as one of the most deplorable instances of its weakness and folly. Time is still left, for it to redeem itself from disgrace, and the country from ruin; but unless the permanent dissolution of the Union is a part of the scheme of the Washington government, it will, at once, retrace its steps. The President will open negotiations with Messrs. Crawford, Roman and Forsyth, not in relation to Southern fortifications and the division of territorial property; but upon the basis of the new constitution, which stands forth, per se, as such an ultimatum of the seceding States, as should be provisionally accepted, and submitted to the people for their sanction. The constant effort, of late, of republican leaders, has been to prevent any expression of the popular will, which they know condemns them. It will be the sign of a mean, cowardly, and bloodthirsty spirit, to persevere in such a policy, at a moment when the South has declared, in the most emphatic terms, what its requirements are, and has, virtually, demanded that they shall be accepted or rejected, by those who are entitled to vote throughout the land.
The conservative masses of the States that remain in the Union, will hold Mr. Lincoln and his Cabinet to a bitter responsibility, if the occasion which now presents itself for negotiation with the Montgomery government is permitted to be lost. Messrs. Crawford, Roman and Forsyth should not only be respectfully listened to; but an extra session of Congress should be convened for the purpose of considering the Southern constitution as a single great amendment to the constitution of 1789. The clouds that hang over the prosperity of the country are dark and menacing. Every hour increases the danger. It is in the power of the administration to restore peace and tranquillity to the country, within six weeks, and terrible will be the guilt of neglecting to employ the requisite means of accomplishing so desirable a result.