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A telegraghic dispatch announces that delegates are to be chosen in Georgia to represent the Democrats of that State in the Baltimore Convention. This indicates the course that will probably be pursued in all the Southern States whose representatives seceded from the Convention at Charleston. New men will be chosen in their places, so that while the seceding delegates will hold a Convention of their own at Richmond, the “national” Democrats will be represented in the National Convention at Baltimore. This will transfer to the Southern States the intestine strife which led to the explosion at Charleston. The Democratic Party in each of these States will be divided, — the nationals on one side and the secessionists on the other. At Baltimore it is quite likely that DOUGLAS may secure the nomination. His friends announce their purpose to insist upon it: — the new delegates from the South will probably be in his favor, — and he bids fair to reap the advantage of the continued and relentless hostility of the Administration. With all these odds in his favor, his chances must be considered good.

Mr. FORNEY announces, in the Press, that the resolutions adopted at Charleston simply reaffirmed the Cincinnati Platform — that those pledging the party to abide by the decision of the Supreme Court were not passed. This simplifies the matter still further, though it is by no means impossible that, when the Convention reassembles, some further concession may be made to the South upon this point.

There is one most excellent result likely to follow the Charleston disruption: the question of secession bids fair to be fought out in the Southern States themselves, where it belongs. The issue has been made there, and it should be decided there also. In the Northern States no such question has ever been mooted. Nobody in any Northern State is in favor of disunion, — and any party which might even be suspected of favoring it would be annihilated at the polls. Certain prominent politicians, in Congress and out, have assumed to speak for the slaveholding States, and to threaten secession unless their demands concerning Slavery should be conceded. Their withdrawal from the Convention at Charleston put the issue in a practical shape; — and if they venture to nominate a Presidential candidate of their own, he will run mainly upon that basis. And in every Southern State he will be obliged to contest the field with a National Democrat who is opposed to disunion. The people of the South will then be able to express their real sentiments upon this point, and the result will probably put an end to the clamor of the disunionists, and purify the political atmosphere.

The Conservatives, old Whigs and Unionists, hold their convention at Baltimore this week. In the main their views upon the Slavery question are in harmony with those cherished by the great body of the Republicans. But they deprecate what they consider the sectional character of that organization, and are very anxious to adopt some measures which will bring the border Slave States back to an active political alliance with the North. A very large and influential section of them, moreover, are animated by an intense personal hatred of Mr. SEWARD, and will be mainly guided by that sentiment in the course they may adopt. This is especially the case with the party in this State; and at their State Convention at Troy, Ex-Gov. HUNT and others declined to bind themselves to abide by the decision of the Baltimore Convention, and caused it to be very distinctly understood that they should take whatever course might seem necessary to defeat the Republican Party. It is probable that the Convention will make a nomination, — but it is not easy to guess at its character. They would probably be glad to nominate HOUSTON, but for the fear that he would damage the Democratic vote more than the Republican. They will probably take ground against all agitation of the Slavery question, and in favor substantially of leaving the matter wholly to the action of the people of the Territories.

The Republican Convention meets at Chicago next week. The Philadelphia Platform, we presume, will be in substance reaffirmed, though there will be some opposition to a renewed declaration, under existing circumstances, in favor of Congressional prohibition of Slavery from the Territories. Five of the Slave States will be represented, and the whole number of members will be 230, or thereabouts. Mr. SEWARD will have much the largest vote at the outset, as the opposition will be divided. Gov. CHASE, Mr. LINCOLN, Judge BATES, and Gov. BANKS will be voted for, but without any expectation, we presume, of success. BEN WADE begins to be talked about, not only as an available candidate, but as possessing, in a high degree, the special qualities likely to be required for the performance of the duties of the office for the next four years.

It is by no means unusual to hear prominent and influential Democrats express a quasi hope that the Republicans may elect their candidate. They regard their own party as hopelessly demoralized, and believe that nothing will promote its union more than a defeat, which shall convince all its sections of the necessity of mutual concession. They believe, too, that the Republicans would, of necessity, become conservative in their public action, as soon as they should find themselves responsible for the condition of the country, — that internal dissensions would spring up in their ranks, and that they could not retain power beyond a single term. There are very many of the leading Democrats of this State who would not for these reasons deeply regret the election of Mr. SEWARD; and there are quite as many who, for different but equally cogent reasons, would decidedly prefer it to that of Judge DOUGLAS.