[Marshall] Texas Republican, August 25, 1860
For the Republican.
Mr. Editor:
The excitement which has been produced by the burning of several Towns, and the attempts which have been made to burn others, have caused our Citizens of this county and other counties, to hold meetings, and organize Vigilant Committees and Patrols, to protect our persons and property, to watch our interests, and to keep in subjection our slaves. Under the pressure of existing circumstances, this is the only means of safety we can adopt. It may be well for us to take a calm and deliberate view of what has been done already, and what in all probability will yet be done, so that our citizens may act with more energy and prudence than has characterized their conduct heretofore in some portions of our State. We do sincerely desire, that they will not act hereafter, with that indecision, and weakness on the one hand, and that rashness and want of reflection on the other, which has influenced their motives in some places. They have taken up men, have examined them, and by letters, papers, and in other ways, clearly proved them to be Abolitionists. Yet they have allowed these same scoundrels a certain length of time to quit their neighborhood, thereby turning them loose again upon society, with more acrimony and more vindictiveness against us than ever, and with just as much power, to plot treason and instigate our slaves to rebellion. When to hang them as high as Haman was what they richly deserved, because we had no law that would fully meet such cases. In other portions of our State, horse- thieves have been caught, and without judge or jury hung to the nearest tree.
Now let us look at these cases rightly. In the first place, where our lives and liberties are actually in danger,–where the urgency of the case demands prompt decision, and where our laws do not protect us, we tamely and quietly allow the criminal to escape. In the second case, where our lives, and liberties are in no danger whatever and where our laws can protect us, we hang. Is there any justice in such doings? Is there any good reason in such conduct? If there is, we must confess we cannot see it. It may be said, and that with some show of reason, that our jails are insufficient to hold these scoundrels, that our laws are too slow in their action upon such cases, and that not more than one in twenty are ever brought to trial, but that they most always make their escape. These are facts which we are bound to admit, and will bring us to the consideration of the subject in another point of view. The opinions which will be here merely suggested we will leave to the wisdom and discretion of our fellow-citizens, that they may, or may not act upon if they choose.
Would it not be right and is it not important for us to have as soon as possible “called Courts,” to administer justice as soon as the offender is caught whether he be Murderer, Abolitionist or Thief. If it is said we have no power, then we say let us have power. Let us have an extra session of our Legislature immediately, to make us such laws, the same to continue in operation until the regular meeting of our Legislature which will decide whether such laws are good or not. It seems to us that the critical condition of our country calls aloud for some such measure, and until we are guarded by such, our only safety is in vigilant committees. These it must be confessed are liable to abuse, for it matters not how they may decide in any case, there will always be some cause of complaint. This together with the fact that some of them will get tired and resign, and other men of a more violent disposition be substituted in their place, will be sufficient reason why we should not rely for any length of time upon the benefits they may confer, besides by outward influences the very body to which we at first looked for assistance— may in time become a terror to us all. It is our only help now. But we must have some more permanent means, restricted and regulated by law, for our future welfare. We should all be a law-abiding people, and if we are not governed by that, there is no telling to what excesses an excited and infuriated multitude may be driven to.
We live in critical times and are now upon the eve of a great Presidential election, which in all probability will decide the fate of this great Republic. And we are free to confess, for we do most sincerely believe, that all the excitement which has been produced of late by Abolitionists among us has been done to paralyse the South and to prevent a full vote in November next. All that men can devise—every exertion and every act—no matter how unscrupulous it may be—will be brought to bear upon this election. If they can elect Lincoln, it is all they desire. Let us ask what will be the consequences if he is elected. One of the very first acts of his administration, will be to repeal the “Fugitive slave law,” and then to deny the right of Congress to protect slavery anywhere. On all our border States the effect will be terrible. The running of our slaves, flooding our country with Abolitionists and Plunderers; will produce such a state of bloodshed, anarchy, and confusion, as the mind of man cannot conceive, but such as will bring upon us a civil revolution to a certainty. God forbid that the times of the Inquisition, or the bloody days of the French Revolution should come upon us. To prevent such a terrible catastrophe, we must be governed by experience and discretion. We must watch, demand, and protect our rights and liberties, under all circumstances and at all times.
It has been said, and nothing strikes us with so much power and truth, that “Eternal vigilance is the price of Liberty.” Let us treasure the advice, and act upon the principle it inculcates. By so doing, and by the assistance of a wise and just God, we may safely pass through the night of storms and clouds which now envelop us, and our political and domestic sky may yet burst upon us, with a more peaceful and brighter day.