February 8, 1861; The Charleston Mercury
WASHINGTON, February 5, 1861.
The returns from Virginia, as given in the telegraphic columns of the morning papers, have greatly elated the Republicans. But the Secessionists are by no means discouraged. They expected the State to go against them, and trust to the rupture of the Peace Congress, the pluck of the Republicans and the sincerity of the Cotton States, for the eventual salvation of the State.
One thing, however, is now certain, and that is the inevitable delay occasioned by the success of the Virginia Submissionists, keeps all the Border States in until some time after LINCOLN’S inauguration. Your duty, therefore, is to go straight on, and organize the Government at Montgomery on a solid basis, just as though there were no other States besides the original seven. The fewer the men in the Convention, the more quickly and satisfactorily you can perfect your Constitution. What is most likely to interfere with your progress at Montgomery towards a permanent Government, is the designing opposition of men, who, whatever may be thought in South Carolina, and the South, are here believed to mean nothing that does not tend to promote an ultimate return to Washington. This is well known here, and to men not many degrees removed from Republicans. I am sorry to see that BONHAM and McQUEEN are neither in the Convention. They really desired to get rid of the Abolition alliance at once and forever, and might have been useful at Montgomery. It is obvious that your secession is due to the people, and not to the politicians. The new order of things demands new men, untainted by Federal contamination, and ambitious of achieving renown in the only path ever opened to them – that of a Southern Confederacy. Hence the wisdom of those like Alabama, which sent one only of the old regime to Montgomery.
Reports conflict as to the tenor of Col. HAYNE’s letter, which has at last reach the President; but the balance of opinion inclines to the belief that it is not an unconditional demand for the immediate surrender of Fort Sumter. It was asserted last night, by good authority, that the President had determined there should be no fighting, either at Charleston or Pensacola. He even said that ANDERSON had private instructions from BUCHANAN to surrender in case of a serious assault. When we see provisions pouring into Sumter, and troops leaving Pensacola, just at the time armed vessels are reaching there, it is difficult not to believe that there is some understanding between the State authorities and the Federal Government. This puzzles everybody here. It is contrary to all expectation. When Col. PICKENS was elected Governor, one of the oldest and most distinguished men in private life here, said he considered it the worst possible augury for future peace. ‘RHETT,’ said he, an extreme man; but like many extremists in opinion, he is eminently discreet in action. PICKENS, on the other hand, is ambitious of military distinction.’ At the first blush, events go to show that in this latter particular, as in perhaps the majority of cases, the opinions of an old man are not the most correct. But the peace policy, pursued too far, may in the end be both bloody and dangerous. That is the apprehension now in regard to Sumter. The old man’s conclusion may be correct.
Messrs. SLIDELL and BENJAMIN took leave of the Senate yesterday, to the great sorrow of their friends, and the great joy of their enemies, the Republicans, who acted in the most indecent and shameful manner while their farewell speeches were being made. Mr. BENJAMIN seemed to feel very certain that he would meet the Border Senators in the Congress of the Southern Confederacy, after it is organized.
SEVEN.