April 10, 1861; The New York Herald
WASHINGTON, April 9, 1861.
My despatch in today’s HERALD, disclosing, for the first time, the military and naval programme, created the most intense excitement in this city upon the arrival of the train tonight. The deep mystery which has veiled the active movements of the administration for more than a week was removed, and men seemed to realize the fact that they were in the awful presence of civil war.
The correspondents of the HERALD were immediately sought by all classes, old and young, male and female, to learn the news from Fort Sumter. ‘Have the supplies arrived?’ ‘Can the vessels get into the harbor?’ ‘How are they going to do it?’ ‘Will the secessionists fire upon the government vessels?’ were among the numerous questions propounded.
The greatest anxiety existed on the part of the government, during the early part of today, on account of the raging storm here; but despatches from Richmond gave assurances that it did not extend to the coast, hence the belief is that the fleet destined for Charleston and the Gulf is safe.
It is known that six or seven war steamers are laying off the harbor of Charleston, but the latest despatches do not announce the arrival of the supply vessels.
There does not seem to be any disposition to cut off the telegraphic communication between here and Charleston. The wires have been working all day. Merchants here received their business despatches as usual, but it is almost universally conceded in them that war in inevitable.
A cypher despatch, received this afternoon from Charleston, announces that Captain Talbot was not allowed to return to Fort Sumter with despatches from his government. It is believed that, if he had not been allowed to return to Washington before an attempt was made to throw provisions into Fort Sumter, that he will be retained as a prisoner of war. The fact that Captain Talbot did not reach Fort Sumter will make no difference in the action of Major Anderson in the event that a vessel bearing the American flag is again fired into. He has a general order on that subject. Besides, while the Charlestonians have cut off his supplies, they have not cut off his mail communication, from fear that their own mails would be stopped.
Robert S. Chew, a clerk in the State Department, was despatched to Charleston by the government on Saturday last, to inform Governor Pickens that if Major Anderson was deprived of purchasing supplies in Charleston market, that the government would take immediate measures to furnish them. The provisions have been refused to the garrison by Governor Pickens, hence, the necessity of the government to supply them.
WASHINGTON, April 9, 1861.
Orders left here today to have the Wabash, Vincennes and Savannah, at New York, and the Jamestown, at Philadelphia, detailed for immediate service.
The administration is still vigorously prosecuting its plan of operations. The military and naval fleet now ordered will be the largest and most imposing ever fitted out by this government. The administration think that this immense demonstration off the harbors of the Southern coast will strike terror into the hearts of the secessionists, and soon bring them to terms.
The high official who left here on Sunday morning for Montgomery will, it is said, lay before President Davis the object and purpose of the government in sending the military and naval fleet along the Southern coast, and the policy it intends to pursue respecting Forts Sumter and Pickens. It is said that they only ask that supplies may be landed. This will not be granted. The administration will then attempt to throw, not only supplies, but men and munitions, into those forts, for if they succeed in the former, of course they will in the latter. The administration believe they can do both. There will be no move made until the administration hear from their messenger, which, however, will not be many days.
There are a good many military men now in this city, belonging to and acting with the government, who do not hesitate to give it as their opinion that the administration, with its present limited force, cannot throw reinforcements into Fort Sumter, and that, under the circumstances, it would be a wanton sacrifice of human life to attempt it. They cannot believe that the administration will make the attempt.
General Beauregard was officially notified last evening, by Mr. Chew, of the State Department, for President Lincoln, that Fort Sumter was to be provisioned–peaceably if possible, forcibly if necessary. This is in accordance with the arrangement between the administration and the Commissioners, that the status quo of Fort Sumter was not to be changed without prior notification to the Confederate authorities at Charleston, and tallies with the purport of my despatch on Sunday, that an agent had been dispatched on a similar errand to Montgomery. Instead of one, it appears there were two sent to each of the points.
The announcement of this intelligence, it appears, has produced the wildest excitement at Charleston. The whole male force of the city is under arms, and when the attempt to enter the harbor is made, a terrible scene of slaughter will ensue.
The Southern Commissioners are preparing their rejoinder to Secretary Seward’s letter, which will close the correspondence. It will be able, dignified and statesmanlike, exhibiting in the most unfavorable light, however, the duplicity and vascillation which has characterized the entire course of the administration respecting the questions at issue. They will show that, soon after their arrival here, they addressed a communication to the government, through the Secretary of State, stating in plain terms the object of their mission; that instead of giving them a prompt and decisive answer, so that they might understand the policy of the government towards the Southern confederacy, the government, through the Secretary of State, by a series of parleyings unusual in such cases, delayed action until they were led to believe that a peaceful solution of the questions at issue was really intended by the administration. Assurances were more than once given that there should be no change in the military status. In face of this, the government were secretly fitting out a military and naval expedition of most elaborate proportions, evidently intended to operate in the harbors of the seceded States and until they insisted upon knowing what all these movements meant, did they receive the reply to their note informing them that they could hold no communication with them. If this is the real state of the case, the administration will not occupy a very enviable position.
George N. Sanders’ sensation despatches to the Tribune, in which he charges President Davis with urging an aggressive policy on the United States are utterly untrue. The Commissioners have repeated assurances from President Davis that he meant to act only on the defensive, and was sincerely anxious for peace. He urged them in private letters to exhaust every resource to effect a peaceful solution of the question, and to do everything possible to avoid war.
All the public buildings, including the White House, are now nightly guarded by extra watches. The Treasury Department is the particular object of measures of precaution.
The South Carolina mails will be stopped upon the first sign of hostility to the fleet of relief.
The Virginia Committee of Three will fare no better than the volunteer delegation under the leadership of John Minor Botts. The President will receive them courteously, but will tell them that, although he desires peace, he will not seek to secure it by the violation of his constitutional duties.
WASHINGTON, April 9, 1861.
Extensive as the military and naval preparations are, it is persistently stated in administration quarters that they mean defensive purposes only, and that nothing is intended not strictly justified by the laws, which it is the duty of the President to enforce to the extent of his ability. If resistance be made to his efforts in this particular, and bloodshed be the result, the responsibility must fall on those who provoke hostilities; and the assurance of the inaugural is repeated, that the administration will not be the aggressor.
Various theories or reasons are given in the newspapers for the present military demonstrations, among them, that they were only recently stimulated by the result of certain State and municipal elections; but this is known to be an error, for at the very commencement of the administration the President and Cabinet entertained the idea of reinforcing both Fort Sumter and Pickens; but owing to the condition of the country at the time, and a non-acquaintance with the means at the command of the government, the prosecution of the plans now progressing was impracticable. In other words, it was necessary, first, to ascertain the extent of the effects bequeathed to the present by the late administration. As to the secresy of the objects of the military movements, this was deemed absolutely necessary, especially the sailing of vessels with sealed orders under the late administration were persons who clandestinely communicated its purposes, from time to time, to the secessionists, and as frequently occurred, before they were reduced to official form, and according to a remark of an ex secretary, the administration thus always found itself embarressed at the threshold.
The present administration, however, with a full appreciation of such obstructions, has limited an actual knowledge of its purposes to the members of the Cabinet and perhaps several trusty officers, and taken such precautionary measures as render it next to impossible to improperly acquire the forbidden information.
The administration, while constantly declaring its policy to be peace, claims that it can only be held by strict accountability by the people, and that, however variant and speculative may be the publications respecting its movements, it is under no obligation to announce its purposes and plans. In other words, that the administration should be judged by its acts.
That Fort Pickens has or will be reinforced, admits of no doubt; and with regard to Fort Sumter the administration will do all in its power either to relieve Major Anderson, or to secure his evacuation of the post, if needs be, without dishonor or committing the government to the acknowledgment of any right claimed by the Confederate States, or in any way to recognize the doctrine of secession.
The proceedings in the Gulf, beyond the relief of Fort Pickens, will be governed by circumstances.
The above has been prepared from reliable sources with a view to show to some extent the basis of the present military operations.